In an editorial today, Mr. Conners’ outrageous idea, the Times-Union pointedly says that the County Comptroller should not be given subpoena power. They are correct. Very.

Much of the TU’s reasoning is based on Conners’ release of personal information earlier this year, which included Social Security Numbers. After that debacle, I wrote, Conners Knew His Staff Abused IT System Privileges Long Before Social Security Number Release. This was not a one-time accident. It was indicative of carelessness, at best, and perhaps worse. In any case, a pattern of repeated administrative failures is an argument for reduced latitude, not more.

Conners is charming and glib, but he doesn’t do his homework and he’s dangerously careless. Worst of all, especially given the size of his staff, he doesn’t do many audits and the ones he does usually fail to meet any kind of professional standard. Rather than mastering program and operational rules and standards of good practice and systematically measuring actual performance against those rules and standards, he relies on people with gripes and on fishing expeditions. Giving him subpoena power would just reinforce that behavior.

There’s a timely case in point: The Times-Union also had a story today on Project Strive, a local social welfare agency, headed by the Town of Guilderland’s Democratic Chairman. Strive’s entire budget comes from Albany County and it’s been troubled for several years.

Perhaps Strive should be investigated closely; perhaps not. But what’s relevant here is that Conners promised and began an audit in 2010. Before he began the audit, he promised a legislative committee in an open meeting that his audit would generate savings that they could use in the County budget. What kind of professional auditor pre-judges the results of an audit to the point that he promises concrete financial savings? By the way, has anyone seen the audit?

The Albany County Comptroller does not need more legal authority. Less would be more appropriate.

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There’s a little Albany debate going on on Twitter right now about which counties share more of their sales tax revenue with local cities, towns and villages. It’s part of the lead in to what’s likely to be a contentious meeting of the Albany County Legislature. Simultaneously, a couple members of the City of Albany’s Common Council have weighed in.

Here are some facts:

This graph shows all counties and the percentage shared with local governments in 2011 (Ranked Percent of Sales Taxes Distributed by County.pdf).

Note that Monroe, Erie, Niagara, all large – comparable – counties share a higher percentage than does Albany County.

This one shows Upstate Metropolitan counties and what they retained per capita after they distributed whatever they shared with local municipalities (Graph Trend Retained Sales Taxes per Capita – Upstate Metro Counties.pdf). With rare exceptions, on a per capita basis, (e.g., Orange County in 2011) Albany has consistently kept more for its own use.

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New York’s Comptroller, Tom DiNapoli has issued a draft proposal for identifying local governments at risk of fiscal stress.

An earlier report touches on local fiscal distress. And here, former Assemblyman Richard Brodsky discusses the earlier Comptroller’s report.

It’s a good idea, and given the local governments that have already gotten themselves in trouble the past several years, perhaps even overdue. Here’s an earlier post showing signs in the data years ago that Nassau County was headed for trouble.

Overall, it looks like a good proposal. And it’s certainly necessary. So kudos to Comptroller DiNapoli and his staff for taking the initiative.

Here’s how it would work.

Using local financial data and some economic indicators, the Comptroller’s staff would evaluate each local government and school district against a set of individual measures. Exceeding a particular value for each measure would produce increasing numbers of “points.” Total points would be added up for each government and district and those exceeding total point levels would be label as high, medium or no risk. While some of the details differ for different levels of local government, the direct measures for local governments (counties, cities, towns, villages) include:

  1. Year-End Fund Balance (worth 8 out of the 29 points for financial indicators)
    • Assigned and Unassigned Fund Balance
    • Example:

      General Fund Only

    • 3 Points = Less Than or Equal to 5% Last Fiscal Year
    • 2 Points = Greater Than 5% But Less Than or Equal to 10% Last Fiscal Year
    • 1 Point = Greater Than 10% But Less Than or Equal to 15% Last Fiscal Year
    • 0 Points = Greater Than 15% Last Fiscal Year
    • Combined Funds minus General Fund

    • 1 Point = Negative Result Last Fiscal Year
  2. Total Fund Balance
  3. Operating Deficit
  4. Cash Position
    • Cash Ratio
    • Cash as Percent of Monthly Expenditures
  5. Use of Short Term Debt
    • Short-Term Debt Issuance
    • Short-Term Debt Issuance Trend
  6. Fixed Costs
    • Personal Services and Employee Benefits as Percent of Revenues
    • Debt Service as Percent of Revenues

The environmental indicators include:

  1. Population – Change in Population, 1990-2010
  2. Age
    • Change in Median Age of Population 2000 – 2010
    • Median Age of Population, 2010
  3. Poverty
    • Child Poverty Rate 2010
    • Change in Child Poverty Rate 2000 – 2010
  4. Property Value
    • Change in Property Value
    • Property Value per Capita
  5. Employment Base
    • Change in Unemployment Rate
    • Unemployment Rate
    • Change in Total Jobs in County
  6. Intergovernmental Revenues
    • Reliance on State and Federal Aid
      Change in State and Federal Aid
  7. Constitutional Tax Limit – Tax Limit Exhausted
  8. Sales Tax Revenues – Change in Local Sales Tax Receipts

School districts would be evaluated separately by means of a similar system, but with somewhat different measures. The financial indicators would be mostly similar, except that it would not include the fixed cost measures. The school district environmental indicators would differ substantially. They would include:

  1. Property Value – Change in Property Value
  2. Enrollment – Change in Enrollment
  3. Budget Votes
    • Budget votes defeats first budget vote trend
    • Change in approval percentage, first budget vote
  4. Graduation Rate (percentage)
  5. Free or Reduced Price Lunch

I’ve not had the opportunity to ask questions of the Comptroller’s staff, who designed this system, so I’m making certain assumptions about their intentions in specific cases. But I do have some observations.

The Tradeoff Between Ease of Understanding and Throwing Away Information and the Risk of Manipulation

The design of this system provides an interesting example of a classical tradeoff in presenting more or more sophisticated information versus keeping the system’s logic transparent and readily understood by widely diverse audiences. Using a point system as the Comptroller has proposed should be easily understood by a wide variety of audiences. This is without doubt, valuable and compellingly so. However, it is not without costs.

Such systems do not use all the information available; they can equate some governments that are not really equal and could create meaningless distinctions between some that are very similar. Even within a particular indicator, information is lost. Assigning a specific point score for a range of values, discards the information within that range. For example, assume that one municipality’s fund balance was just on the edge of being categorized with a different number of points. The difference between this government and one just the other side of the point threshold would be far smaller than it and another at the other end of its category. Another example would be a local government that borrows short-term (revenue or tax anticipation notes or budget notes). If such borrowing was greater in the last fiscal year than five percent of general fund revenue, but less than 15 percent, that government and all governments within that range are assigned two points. This equates the government that borrows five percent with one that borrows 14.9 percent and it differentiates between the governments that borrow 4.9 percent and 5.0 percent.

Because point thresholds are somewhat artificial and “notchy”, such systems are susceptible to being manipulated, especially if their rules remain unchanged for lengthy periods. For example in the draft proposal, A local government that borrows for cash management purposes for three consecutive years gets three points. In contrast, one that borrows for two years, gets two points. As such borrowing is typically to smooth out cash flow, a brief delay, moving the borrowing from late in one fiscal year to early in the following fiscal year might change the point score and the outward signs of fiscal stress, but might not represent any real difference. Worse, depending on an individual government’s normal cash flow, such behavior might increase its actual cash risk.

Differentiating Between Factors that Can be Influenced or Controlled and Those that Cannot – and the Political and Policy Implications

Clearly the intent of this system is to provide early signals of stress and perhaps encourage early intervention by the State or by local officials. Such stress can result from local economic circumstances and/or local financial management. No doubt there will be instances in which those two drivers will become muddled and some local officials will be “blamed” for a stress level that they have relatively less ability to control and, conversely, some local officials will claim their stress is due to such economic circumstances rather than their own mismanagement. These are both problems, but not an excuse to not move forward. Intentional ignorance is not to be preferred merely because some will misuse or misunderstand information. Waiting for a crisis is inexcusable. So too is failing to use information that might provide early warning.

However, when the Comptroller releases reports, this problem might be partially mitigated by clearly differentiating between between those governments or school districts that are at risk primarily based on financial indicators – which can be more directly influenced or even control by local authorities and those which cannot, namely environmental and economic indicators.

Nassau County is a case in point. Nassau is under the supervision of a local financial control board, an entity created by New York State in response to a local crisis and this is not the first time. Nassau is particularly interesting for several reasons:

  • Nassau’s fiscal stress is not the result of its being poor. Unlike Erie County, NY and its City of Buffalo, which have both had financial control boards in recent years, but which have lost about half their populations over the last half century, Nassau is prosperous. Indeed, it is among the most wealthiest counties in New York State. So while Erie and Nassau Counties might have similar scores in the proposed system, it would be the result of very different causes. Both might require more oversight, but the fundamental solutions to their problems are quite different.
  • Moreover, there were very early signs – if anyone looked at them – that Nassau was in trouble. Starting at least as far back as the late 90’s or early in this century, the percentage of Nassau budget that went to debt service exceed that of other like counties by a large margin. Take a look (Graph – Debt Service Trends as Percent of Total Revenue – Urban NYS Counties Excluding NYC.pdf).

Did OSC Test the System?

And the Nassau case brings us to another question. Did the Comptroller’s staff, use their proposed system and historical data, to predict stress that has already occurred? If so, did it capture all of the cases that we’re already familiar with? Did it do so far enough in advance to be useful?

I don’t know the answer to this question, but it sure would be interesting to know. If they didn’t, they should have.

Why No Penalty for the Failure of Local Governments to Timely File the Required Reports and the Data Upon Which the System Would Depend?

I’ve pored over much of these data going back to 1998 and one of the most obvious problems was that much of the local financial data the Comptroller releases to the public shows gaps. Those gaps represent local governments that either did not submit their required Annual Financial Reports, they did not submit them timely, or they were of inadequate quality for the State Comptroller to release them to the public. Failing to file a financial report is one of the “twelve deadly sins” for governmental financial managers, but there are no points assigned in the proposed system for failure to file.

I did ask State staff what they do in such cases and was told that the Comptroller does not have statutory authority to penalize a local government for failure to file. They can send nasty letters, they can release reports to the press, but that’s about it. (By way of contrast, a hospital or nursing home in New York which fails to file its Medicaid cost report is very likely to be penalized financially.

The proposed system should assign at least a couple points for failure to file timely, audited reports and data and even more for repeat offenses. Otherwise, perhaps it should lead to at least a temporary, but automatic classification as high stress.

What OSC Did Not Include

The draft proposal does something we don’t often see and the Comptroller and his staff are to be commended for it. They list the measures they thought about using, but did not. And then they explain why. Good for them.

Summary

Once this system is finalized and some experience developed, there will still be questions of whether and how to standardize the State’s responses to signs of stress. New York’s past – and that of other states – is littered with examples of local governments whose fiscal stress became much worse due to delayed identification and response.

While my observations may be taken as cautionary notes, or perhaps even criticisms, this is an excellent move and, perhaps with refinements, one that should be implemented and should be build upon.

Kudos!

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At the risk of prolonging the agony – for myself and readers of my most recent Friday afternoon rant, here are a couple of extras to further the point that counties charging cities, towns and villages, for Community College tuition is a political dodge, but likely one that will lead to even higher taxes.

The first is a graphic depicting property tax levies in Albany County from 1998 through 2011, by type of government (county, and all cities, towns, villages, school districts and fire districts) (Graph Albany County Property Taxes by Municipal Type.pdf). Imagine taking $10.1 million out of the County (orange) and distributing it to cities (blue) and towns (red) and perhaps villages (purple).

The second is a two-page table showing the actual data (Table Albany County Property Taxes by Municipal Type.pdf).

So one of two things happen with the proposed chargeback:

  1. The property tax burden for Community College tuition merely moves from one type of government to another, in this case from the County to cities, towns, etc., while the total property tax is unchanged from what it would otherwise be. Of course, none of us believe that and why go to the trouble if it’s so?
  2. The total property tax associated with Community College tuition shifts from the County to cities and towns, but the County property tax still goes up! In this case, the total property tax for County residents and businesses would be even higher than would be otherwise be the case.

Enough! Time for a Friday night drink.

PS. If you’re wondering how I cranked out these graphs and tables so quickly, they’re from a system I’ve been prototyping. It’s got all the Annual Financial Report data for every county, town, village, school district and fire district, and except for New York City, every city in New York from 1998 to 2011. It’s currently got about 7 million cells of raw data and even more and in calculated fields. Obviously, it’s useful for rant support. But there’s a lot more to it than that. More on this later.

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Of late, I’ve been trying to avoid Albany County issues. But sometimes, you just can’t. We’re now looking at a backdoor property tax increase by Albany County – and even with that, the County would not be able to stay within the property tax cap.

The latest is that a group of Democrats are withholding their votes to override the property tax cap unless and until they can dump what heretofore the County itself has been paying for, on cities, towns and villages. See Jordan Carleo-Evangelist’s story here. In other words, we hate unfunded mandates when the State imposes them on us. So we’ll impose them on local governments.

The item in question is the County’s share of Community College Tuition (CCT). The general principle has been that the State pays one-third, the county of student residence pays one-third, and the student pays one-third. That principle has been somewhat abused in recent years but it’s still the general idea. The proposed Albany County budget includes $10.1 million for CCT.

By law, counties may chargeback the county’s share to cities, towns and villages in which the students reside. Some counties do. Some don’t. Either way, it’s a cost which falls on local taxpayers.

That being true, what would be the effect for the average property taxpayer in Albany County? Assume for the moment that Albany County continues on this path, while maintaining all or part of its proposed tax increase. The trend lines would look like those in Albany County 2013 Property Tax Levy Options.pdf. It’s still a property tax increase, decided upon by the Albany County Legislature. It’s just that it would have to be implemented by cities, towns and villages – assuming they did not re-open and slash the budgets they’ve already adopted. Assuming there were no other cuts, this would represent, not the 8.9 percent property tax increase proposed by the County Executive, Dan McCoy, but a total increase of 21.2 percent. It’s just that part of it would be hidden.

Now, 21.2 percent is pretty extreme. So let’s assume that the County Legislature does chargeback Community College Tuition, but then it also reduces some other expenditures. That would obviously lower the effective, net increase. However, unless the entire $10.1 million were offset, the net property tax would be greater. And if it were offset, what would be the point of the chargeback at all? In other words, the real purpose is to force a net property tax increase above the announced and advertised.

Ironically, if the County pulls this stunt, it will make it more difficult for it to stay within the tax cap next year and easier for cities, towns and villages. The County would start with a lower tax levy base. As the cap is a limitation on the percentage growth and it would start from a lower base, the allowable dollar increase would be smaller (a fixed percentage of a lower number is a lower number). The converse would be true for local governments.

Of course, administratively, the more simple approach is to have the County pay it because no additional effort is required to allocate the costs between municipalities.

In part this has become a problem because the Legislature has been unwilling to pay for what it wants to do, and even more so now that repeated large increases 8-9 percent in property taxes have subjected them to criticism. So the real issue here is that for several years, Albany County has been kicking key decisions down the road, most notably what to do with its money-losing Nursing Home. Each year, the property tax increase is substantial – well above the State’s cap on growth – requiring a 60 percent majority vote to override in order to do its budget. And each year, avoiding painful decisions gets harder and the clucking and cackling of the chickens coming home to roost gets louder and louder. As evidence, one of my favorite quotes from a County Legislator, unwilling to decide is “everything is the highest priority!”

So rather than making a decision and being done with it, these folks have focused on getting somebody else, cities, towns and villages to pay for the County’s Nursing Home, but without seeming to.

They started by trying to change the current 60% county/40% municipality sharing arrangement on sales tax revenues so that the County would keep a greater share and deprive local governments of revenue. Their first argument was that Albany County shares more of its sales tax revenue than any other county. That’s demonstrably false as is seen in this graphic (Ranked Percent of Sales Taxes Distributed by County.pdf).

More subtle, but perhaps even more important, Albany County has historically gotten more sales tax revenue so even if it shared more than other counties, it would still keep more for its own use than other counties. Take a look at this graphic (Graph Trend Retained Sales Taxes per Capita – Upstate Metro Counties.pdf) in which the trends are shown for upstate New York metropolitan counties are compared with one another. On a per capita basis, even after it distributes 40 percent, Albany County government keeps more for its own uses than other counties. Of course, sales taxes being somewhat more sensitive to the economy than some other revenue sources, they’re also a bit more volatile. In 2011, Albany lost its number one position to Orange County, but it still did better than other comparable counties. But they couldn’t pull off the sales tax re-allocation so they want to dump community college tuition costs on municipal governments.

The long and short of it is that a group of holdouts wants to have their cake and to eat it too. They want their Nursing Home, but they don’t want to be the ones who increase taxes to pay for it. So they would force cities, towns and villages to increase property taxes for them.

Taxpayers will still pay more. You want to spend more? At least have the courage to face voters and say so and to increase taxes accordingly.

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Across much of the political spectrum and even among some Republicans, I suspect that there will be at least one shared emotion: relief that a very long election campaign is over.

One key implication is that there’s now no question that we will move ahead with implementation of the Affordable Care Act, “Obamacare.” There may be tinkering and refining, such as in long-term care, the President for whom it was the signature achievement, was re-elected and it’s going to become embedded in our healthcare system.

There are still many decisions to be made, including state decisions regarding their participation in Medicaid expansion. For reasons I’ll explain later, fewer states will opt out than current political grandstanding suggests. And then it will be just a matter of time before even the hold outs come into the system.

When armies advance, at some point, they must pause and extend and ensure their supply lines before they are capable of advancing further. At some point, this “consolidating the gains” is essential. It’s slower, but of course, it’s vastly better than retreat. Despite legal and political challenges, that’s now going to happen in national health policy.

The approach and the mechanics may not be the preferred approach of many, but in terms of their health and often their family finances, it will make a very real and positive difference to millions of Americans. It was, is and now will be an immense accomplishment.

Despite the odds and despite much contrary political advice, President Obama and Congress accomplished what their predecessors had been unable to for an entire century. Legally, it was approved by the Supreme Court. Politically, it’s now been ratified by the American public.

That’s immensely gratifying.

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The past several years, Albany County made its tentative (proposed) budget available online, not only in a readable format (PDF), but in a format (Excel) that the public and occasional legislators could actually do calculations with.

No more.

When the County Executive’s Tentative Budget was released last month, the PDF documents were posted online, but no Excel files.

I waited a while to see if they would appear online and then filed a freedom of information request (FOIL). I received the following response.

From: Friedfel, David
Sent: Wednesday, October 31, 2012 4:08 PM
To: Donato, Linda
Subject: RE: FOIL Request 12442 for Budget Files

Unlike prior years, this data is not available in excel format. With apologies, we are therefore denying this request.

Unless, the County has radically reduced its technological capability, which is doubtful, it is still able to generate the files. Yet, it is choosing not to.

In short, while courteous, the response doesn’t seem sufficient to meet the standards of the State law. However, while I could contest the denial, by the time the issue was resolved, the budget process would be over.

I also filed a FOIL request for a copy of the letter-of-intent that the County Executive claims to have signed with Upstate Health Services regarding the future of the County Nursing Home, along with related documents. I have not received a response. However, the Times-Union, which also requested the same documents has been turned down. They evidently went through the same logic I did regarding Excel based Budget files and have decided not to pursue the issue further.

Today, New York Citizen One, who is relentless about tracking down meeting schedules, reports that the first Legislative Budget hearing which was postponed earlier this week, was held last night (Friday) without any public notice.

So we see a pattern emerging here? Kind hard to miss, huh? Albany County is making it harder to learn about and understand its Budget, its Budget process, and key Budget decisions.

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Back in 2005, my wife and I suffered through a fire. We had just completed moving into a downtown Albany neighborhood, the new place was jammed with boxes, the furniture was randomly placed, and we were exhausted. So we took the weekend off to rest in New Hampshire. On our return, we discovered that our new home was gutted. My wife never even slept there.

The picture in this follow-up Times-Union story does not convey the damage. What you can’t tell from the picture is that the blue “building” is now merely a facade. Everything behind the front wall is gone. What you can’t tell from the picture is that the sandy colored building is gutted and boarded up. And what you can’t tell from the corner of the gray building furthermost right in the picture, which we had just moved into, is that the the back of the building is burned out, one-third of the roof is gone, and that, where not burned the entire building is smoke damaged and drenched, and that the mildew has already taken over.

It was awful, but compared to what’s going on in the New York, New Jersey area, it was nothing. Here’s how we know it’s different.

Immediately after we returned from NH, we checked into a long-stay motel. A couple of nights later, I woke up in the middle of the night, thinking, “my God, we’re displaced people.” But shortly afterwards, we watched Katrina unfold on television.

And watching the disaster that was Katrina, we said, “we have no problems at all.”

  • Our families were safe.
  • Our communities of friends and co-workers were stable and safe.
  • We could quickly communicate with everyone.
  • Water and food were not an issue.
  • Our means of transportation were uncompromised. (We lost three wonderful bicycles, but we weren’t dependent on them.) My wife could still travel to her then new job in NYC.
  • Our economic environment was stable (being self-employed, I had immediate troubles, but they were not compounded by a damaged economic context).
  • We immediately had a place to eat, sleep and shower.
  • As it turned out, we had adequate insurance coverage.

None of those things were true after Katrina. And for many, many people, none of those things are true after Sandy.

The more that are harmed, the more our inter-dependence makes the harm exponentially worse and takes recovery exponentially longer. This is where “self-reliance” often breaks down. I suspect it’s where people who think of themselves as self-reliant, get frustrated and angry.

Some further thoughts …

There were some relevant specifics to our event as well. Because it was due to fire, there was no question that our insurance coverage would apply. For many, the damage from Sandy was due to flood, and flood exclusions will leave their losses unprotected. Moreover, our loss came during a time when insurers were not being overwhelmed.

Having said all that, it still took us something like three to six months to get our lives back in order. It took three months to find a new place to live. It took months after that to furnish it, replace clothing and whatever else was lost. My work was upended for a half a year – I joked that I was really working for the insurance company – and I abandoned a new business idea that I was working on at the time of the fire.

By the way, take a look under your kitchen sink or wherever you keep cleaning supplies and count up the cost of replacing it. Then count up your socks and calculate how much it’s going to cost to replace them. Seems like humdrum stuff. But what we learned is that rather than losses of big-ticket items, typically about two-thirds of a household loss is from the accumulated minor stuff.

But again, our problems were minor compared to what many are going through and about to go through. Keep this in mind when the news moves on. Many of those who were harmed by Sandy will be dealing with its aftermath for months and years to come.

One final important note if you happen to be one of those who has suffered harm and who may need help with your insurance company. New York law provides for a class of insurance adjusters called “public adjusters.” I don’t know about New Jersey, but it appears the same is true there.

Public adjusters work for the claimants rather than the insurers. Obviously I can’t vouch for all of them, but I can tell you that the adjuster who worked for us, Mike Hoffman of Capital Public Adjusters, was a godsend. He prepared our claim, knew vastly more than we could ever have known, effectively increased the dollar value of our recovery nearly two-fold, and perhaps most important in managing the claim preparation, took much of the emotional sting out of documenting the loss.

I hope you and yours are not suffering from Sandy and that you never have to go through such a disaster, but if you are or if you do, steel yourself for a slow and steady, one-step-at-a-time effort. And get help where you can. You may find it in surprising places.

If you’re not one of those who has suffered direct harm, but you know someone who has, check in regularly with them and help out where you can for at least a year. It’s going to take that long.

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The past few days, there’s been a lot of chatter about the contrast between 538’s Nate Silver and subjective observers like Joe Scarborough and their respect electoral analyses. Some of it has gotten pretty ugly, especially about Silver. So Silver offered Scarborough a bet on Twitter. If Silver’s right and Obama wins, Scarborough gives $1,000 to the Red Cross. If Scarborough’s right, then Silver makes the same donation.

The New York Times’s Public Editor then sniffed that Silver’s offer to bet was inappropriate for the Times.

Here’s a nice analysis by Talking Points reader JB.

I have been thinking about the attacks on Nate Silver since I heard about them and think your rejoinder to Margaret Sullivan gets part, but not all of the story. The real story is that we are watching the twilight of the current horse-race elites. As data supplants visceral election appreciation, two groups stand to lose a lot: Horse race pundits and the Republicans who can sway them.

The second group that I think doesn’t want Silver to be right are the horse race pundits. Just think of the CNN folks after the debates in 2008 and 2012. They would say what they think and then the data would come in and they would have to change what they said. They looked dumb. Data couldn’t be thrown away. The pushy pundit couldn’t walk over the weak one. Data equalizes everyone. Well, why pay Joe Scarborough a lot of money when his analysis is unreliable? He has a financial interest in proving his visceral understanding of the race is more cogent than Nate Silver’s statistical one. That is why the bet is so brilliant. It is a material representation of what is happening. As Nate wins, Joe loses. This election may be best remembered as the occasion when Money Ball came to politics and won. When that happens, who do you want on your news station or news paper? The people who are right, of course. In fact, I would wager that Margaret Sullivan is missing the larger picture of her own demise in media. A public editor is needed most when two opinions are at odds. When solid data is available, one side can argue the world is flat, but you don’t need a public editor mediator to solve that debate, you need a map.

If you’re interested in reading why Republicans lose as well as the punditry then, read JB’s entire comment.

My money’s on Silver both against Scarborough and against the Time’s Public Editor.

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Post Sandy Volunteer?

by John W Rodat on October 31, 2012

Opportunities to volunteer in NYC:

Call 311

NYC Service. Email nycservice@cityhall.nyc.gov with your name, email address, phone number and borough

New York Cares. To sign up for orientation, click here.

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