As I’ll be on the West Coast election week, I voted yesterday.
I voted to re-elect President Obama. Those who know me or who don’t, but who read what I write here or on Twitter, certainly won’t be surprised. But if all you know is my fiscal conservatism and my inclinations towards economics, you might be a bit surprised. When I get a few minutes between now and the election, I’ll try to post some commentary about why I chose Obama over Romney. Though I’m inclined toward wonky, there won’t be enough time necessary for deep, serious, and long. Most of these will be short.
So here goes.
The second Presidential debate has produced a flurry of jokes and commentary about Romney’s “binders of women.” A lot of it is pretty funny, even showing up in product reviews on Amazon. Certainly, we understand the politics of the Obama campaign’s appealing to women for their votes and the Romney campaign’s attempting to minimize the loss of women’s votes.
But, Romney’s awkward wording aside, what’s the big deal about equal pay for equal work? Why couldn’t Romney bring himself to say that that’s a no-brainer? Why is this even an issue? Yes, the raw political rhetoric is to women, but the fundamental principle works equally well for men. Regardless of gender, how can one even hesitate to support equal pay for equal work?
At its core, this issue, like so many others in today’s political turmoil, is about the distribution of power and governmental counterbalances to concentrated private power, corporate, community and home.
Romney, the Republican Party, and their funders support increased concentrations of private power, especially by corporations in the marketplace and by employers over employees.
Chris Matthews (as well as others like Alex Wagner on MSNBC) has had Inside the Actor’s Studio’s James Lipton on to analyze debate performance as theatre. Matthews invited Lipton back yesterday to talk about the theatre of the second debate. Watch the whole thing, but here’s what Lipton said about Romney:
He is that boss who tells lame jokes and waits for everyone to laugh – or else. And he keeps everyone off-balance, uncertain and anxious.
Obama is the President. Romney is “the boss” that we didn’t like and we’re not talking Bruce Springsteen here. (Springsteen is supporting Obama).
Or read this killer article by Charles Pierce in Esquire where he says:
But not even I expected Romney to let his entitled, Lord-of-the-Manor freak flag fly as proudly as he did on Tuesday night. He got in the president’s face. He got in Crowley’s face. That moment when he was hectoring the president about the president’s pension made him look like someone to whom the valet has brought the wrong Mercedes.
“You’ll get your chance in a moment. I’m still speaking.”
Wow. To me, this was a revelatory, epochal moment. It was a look at the real Willard Romney, the Bain cutthroat who could get rich ruining lives and not lose a moment’s sleep. But those people are merely the anonymous Help. The guy he was speaking to on Tuesday night is a man of considerable international influence. Outside of street protestors, and that Iraqi guy who threw a shoe at George W. Bush, I have never seen a more lucid example of manifest public disrespect for a sitting president than the hair-curling contempt with which Romney invested those words. (I’ve certainly never seen one from another candidate.) He’s lucky Barack Obama prizes cool over everything else. LBJ would have taken out his heart with a pair of salad tongs and Harry Truman would have bitten off his nose.
And Romney bitched endlessly — endlessly — about the rules, and why this uppity fellow on the other stool was allowed to speak before he was spoken to, and why he didn’t get to speak at length on whatever he wanted to speak on because, after all, he is the CEO of the stage. Jesus Christ, I’d hate to play golf with the man. He’s the guy who counts to make sure you don’t have too many wedges in your bag. He knows every cheap subsection of every cheap ground rule, and he’ll call you on every one of them. You couldn’t get a free drop out of him with thumbscrews, and forget about conceding any putt outside two inches. And then, on the 18th hole, with all the money on the line, he kicks his ball out of the rough and denies up and down to the rules committee that he did it. Then he goes into the clubhouse bar and nobody sits with him.
Is it any accident that some employers are now threatening layoffs if Obama is re-elected? Is it a surprise that Romney is encouraging this blackmail? Is it a surprise that the extreme Koch brothers, who have thrown millions into this year’s politics on behalf of Republicans and against Democrats, are in the thick of threatening their thousands of employees? Is it an accident that the same people have been spending millions to destroy unions? No, no, no and no.
Having accumulated the power of extreme wealth, having grown accustomed to it, wishing to justify and validate it, Romney and the people with whom he is most comfortable now wish to reinforce not only the disparities of income and wealth, but the disparities of power. A year ago, I showed how inequality is both effect and cause. If left unchecked, it reinforces itself. Romney, treating the President of the United States, as if he were the “valet who has brought the wrong Mercedes,” has shown us his arrogance and revealed his real instincts from which, regardless of policy papers and positions, but especially those that are lacking specificity or even face validity, his agenda will naturally emerge.
I’ve told my now grown kids that “80 percent of whether you like your work is determined by whether or not your boss is an asshole.” Why on earth would we willingly give even more power – concentrated political power – to bosses who are exactly that?
This is about women of course. It is about the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act of 2009 that allows legal action against discriminatory pay. But it’s not just about women. It’s about men too. And it’s not just about the 47 percent. It’s probably not even about the 99 percent vs. the one percent. It’s about the danger of increasing, unchecked financial and political power of the last one-tenth of one percent. Because women have been discriminated against more, especially in the higher echelons of power and pay, there’s a gender angle to this. But for the vast majority of Americans, and the vast majority of men in America, it’s also about the increasing imbalances of power that also leave them with fewer resources and less political leverage against the self-entitled, super-wealthy. To think otherwise is to miss the increasingly clear signals, economic, political and theatrical.
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